Introduction
Policies presented below are working drafts, not finished declarations. They reflect my current thinking, but they are meant to be shaped and improved with the people of Selwyn and anyone else who feels it is time to bring logic to Parliament - one engineer at a time.
I invite you to read them critically and email me your comments, concerns, and suggestions. My aim is to develop these policies with constituents, not impose them from above, so your input genuinely matters and will help guide how I represent Selwyn in Parliament.
Summary of policies
(For more detailed policies keep scrolling)
Cost of Living
This policy says the cost of living won’t be fixed by slogans or one-off payments, but by removing barriers that stop New Zealand from producing more. It focuses on lifting productivity (so wages can rise without prices rising), cutting the “risk premium” created by constant policy churn after each election, shrinking low-value bureaucracy that crowds out real work, reducing tax/compliance friction on productive effort, and backing reliable energy and supply-focused planning so basic goods and housing become more affordable.
Selwyn First
This policy commits to being a genuinely local MP who answers to Selwyn people, not a party office. It promises year-round presence in the electorate, honest representation without party-whip voting, and a direct channel for local concerns into Parliament. It also commits to pushing back when central government decisions dump costs on Selwyn communities, and to focusing on long-term, practical outcomes rather than political theatre.
Youth
This policy treats young people as capable citizens now, not “future adults,” and commits to giving youth voice real weight, especially through the Selwyn Youth Council. It aims to keep youth engagement free from party branding, strengthen civic literacy so young people understand how power works, and build real pathways into trades, industry, and local opportunity. The overall goal is to prepare Selwyn’s young people for a fast-changing future while building resilience, responsibility, and meaning.
Bring Logic and Common Sense to Parliament
This policy applies an engineering mindset to lawmaking: test assumptions, look for failure modes, and measure results in the real world. It commits to evidence before ideology, clear accountability when systems fail, outcome-focused regulation rather than box-ticking, and “feedback loops” like reviews and sunset clauses so Parliament learns from mistakes instead of defending them. It also commits to plain language and independence to ask hard questions others avoid.
Bipartisan Regulatory Stability
This policy argues that constant repeal-and-replace politics quietly drives up prices by increasing uncertainty for builders, farmers, businesses, and investors. It commits to using an independent position to broker durable, cross-party agreements in key sectors (like housing, infrastructure, energy, and agriculture), and to favour stability over symbolic lawmaking. The aim is a calmer, more predictable rulebook so investment and growth can happen with less risk and lower costs.
Education for the 22nd Century
This policy says education must prepare students for a world shaped by AI, automation, and rapid change by teaching thinking skills, strong fundamentals, and ethical judgment, not just compliance. It supports multiple pathways with equal dignity (academic, trades, vocational), stronger civic and historical literacy, and resilience-building. It also includes a clear commitment that Māori tamariki will not be left behind, with education that supports identity and connection to whakapapa while avoiding tokenism or forced cultural performance.
Te Tiriti o Waitangi
This policy treats Te Tiriti as a serious agreement that places enduring, fiduciary responsibilities on the Crown, and rejects the “quiet transfer” of those duties onto ordinary citizens, schools, councils, or employers. It commits to clear roles (partnership without confusion), direct mana whenua voice into parliamentary processes, listening before promising, and seeking balance and good faith rather than division. The goal is unity without erasure: honest history, responsible Crown action, and a future built with dignity and trust.
Grassroots Representation Policy
This policy commits to old-fashioned, grassroots representation: listening first, then acting. It means staying close to Selwyn communities, hearing concerns directly, and taking them into Parliament faithfully, even when they don’t perfectly match my own views. My role is not to lecture or filter, but to be a principled messenger who carries local voices clearly, fights for practical solutions, and reports back honestly on what was done and why.
Local Autonomy Policy
This policy supports shifting power and funding closer to local communities, so decisions affecting daily life are made by people who actually live there. It argues that districts like Selwyn should have more control over local services, planning, and infrastructure, with proper funding attached, instead of relying on Wellington. The aim is fairer, more practical government, where local voters can clearly see who decides, who pays, and who is accountable for results.
Cost of Living
Lower Prices by Fixing the System, Not Pretending Money Is Free
The cost of living crisis is not a mystery, and it is not caused by greed, supermarkets, or global forces alone. It is the predictable outcome of a system where productivity is suppressed, risk is artificially inflated, labour is trapped in low-value bureaucracy, and government growth crowds out real production.
This policy starts from first principles: prices fall when productivity rises, when risk falls, and when labour and capital are allowed to move into genuinely productive activity. Government cannot command lower prices, but it can stop making them higher.
1. Restore the Productivity Link Between Wages and Prices
At its core, the economy still obeys a simple relationship:
Real wages rise only when output per worker rises.
New Zealand has spent too long trying to lift incomes through redistribution, regulation, and moral pressure, instead of through productivity.
As an MP, I will advocate for:
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Removing regulatory barriers that suppress output in food production, housing, construction, energy, and transport.
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Prioritising infrastructure, consent reform, and standards simplification over subsidies and one-off relief payments.
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Treating productivity growth as the primary anti-inflation policy, not an abstract long-term aspiration.
Raising wages without raising productivity simply feeds inflation and leaves households worse off.
2. Reduce Risk Premiums by Restoring Regulatory Stability
Prices include not just costs, but risk. When investors, farmers, builders, and manufacturers face constant regulatory change, ideological swings, and policy reversals, they price that uncertainty into everything they sell.
New Zealand’s political culture of constant reform, repeal, re-reform, and symbolic regulation has quietly raised prices across the economy.
I will push for:
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Cross-party, long-term regulatory stability agreements in key sectors such as agriculture, housing, energy, and infrastructure.
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Sunset clauses and mandatory cost-benefit reviews for new regulations.
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A presumption against regulatory churn: change must prove it lowers total system cost, not just signals virtue.
Lower uncertainty means lower prices, because the “insurance premium” embedded in every good shrinks.
3. Shrink Government Where It Adds No Output
Government does not produce tradable goods. When it expands beyond core functions, it competes with the private sector for labour, capital, and attention while adding little measurable output.
The result is higher prices, not better services.
I will argue for:
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A zero-based review of government agencies, not incremental budgeting.
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Moving surplus public-sector labour into productive, tax-paying roles in construction, infrastructure, manufacturing, care, and food systems.
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Treating government employment growth as an inflation risk, not a social good.
This is not austerity. It is reallocating labour from administration to production.
4. Create a “Productive Work Zone” With Lower Tax Friction
New Zealand over-taxes marginal productive effort while under-taxing inefficiency and rent-seeking.
I will advocate for:
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A tax-light or tax-free threshold for additional productive hours in sectors facing real shortages (construction, agriculture, engineering, care).
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Simplifying compliance so small producers spend time producing, not reporting.
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Shifting incentives away from speculation and toward output.
If we want more goods, we must stop penalising the people who make them.
5. Re-Anchor Local Production in the Cost-of-Living Debate
Household costs are directly affected by how efficiently we produce food, materials, and energy at home. Yet local producers face rising compliance costs, planning delays, and ideological constraints unrelated to output or safety.
I will support:
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Regulatory reform that lowers costs for domestic food producers without compromising quality.
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Planning rules that prioritise supply over symbolism.
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Energy policies that focus on reliability and affordability before political fashion.
A country that can feed and build for itself should not be pricing its own people out.
6. End Short-Term Politics That Signal Long-Term Instability
Markets do not respond well to theatrical politics. Constant political conflict over regulation, spending, and reform sends a signal that rules are temporary and contested.
As an independent MP, I will:
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Support policies based on durability, not party branding.
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Work across parties to lock in long-term frameworks where possible.
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Refuse to support performative legislation that raises uncertainty without raising output.
Stability is not stagnation. It is a precondition for investment and lower prices.
7. Tell the Truth About Inflation
Inflation is not beaten by slogans, price controls, or blaming intermediaries. It falls when:
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Productivity rises
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Risk falls
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Supply expands
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Labour moves into value creation
I will speak honestly about this, even when it is unpopular.
The Core Commitment
The cost of living crisis will not be solved by pretending government can make things cheaper by decree. It will be solved by allowing New Zealanders to produce more, with less friction, less uncertainty, and less waste.
That requires restraint, discipline, and long-term thinking, not grand gestures.
As an independent MP, my role is not to manage appearances, but to restore economic logic to Parliament, one vote at a time.
Selwyn First
A Local MP Who Answers to Selwyn, Not a Party Office
Selwyn is one of the fastest-growing parts of New Zealand, yet too often it is treated as an afterthought by Wellington. Decisions are made elsewhere, priorities are set by party strategy, and local needs are fitted into national talking points after the fact.
A Selwyn First policy starts from a simple idea: the MP for Selwyn should belong to Selwyn.
1. Loyalty to Constituents, Not Party Whips
Party politics demands obedience. Votes are counted before debates are held, and MPs are expected to follow instructions even when those instructions clash with local realities.
As an independent MP:
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I will not be bound by party whips, caucus discipline, or factional deals.
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My vote in Parliament will be guided by Selwyn’s interests, evidence, and conscience.
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When Selwyn’s needs conflict with party positions, Selwyn comes first.
Independence is not isolation. It is freedom to speak and vote honestly.
2. A Visible, Working Presence in Selwyn
Representation does not happen from Wellington offices alone. It happens in halls, schools, farms, workshops, sports clubs, marae, and main streets.
I commit to:
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Maintaining a strong, accessible electorate presence year-round.
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Regularly attending community board meetings, council forums, school events, and local gatherings.
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Treating listening as a duty, not a courtesy.
An MP should be known locally not as a poster, but as a person.
3. Selwyn as a Place, Not a Statistic
Selwyn is often spoken about in numbers: growth rates, dwelling counts, transport corridors. But it is also a collection of distinct communities with different needs and rhythms.
I will advocate for:
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Policy that recognises differences between rural areas, townships, lifestyle blocks, and new developments.
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Infrastructure planning that keeps pace with growth rather than chasing it years later.
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Central government decisions that respect local knowledge instead of overriding it.
One size rarely fits Selwyn.
4. A Clear Channel From Selwyn to Parliament
Too many voices are lost between local concerns and national decision-making. Submissions disappear into processes, and communities feel unheard.
As an independent MP, I will:
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Raise local issues directly in Parliament without filtering them through party messaging.
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Use select committees, questions, and debates to surface Selwyn concerns in real time.
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Act as a reliable messenger, even where I do not personally agree with every viewpoint.
Representation means carrying voices, not replacing them.
5. Standing Up to Central Government When Needed
Local government and communities increasingly carry the cost of decisions made in Wellington, often without adequate funding, consultation, or flexibility.
I will:
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Challenge unfunded mandates imposed on councils, schools, and community organisations.
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Push back when national policies create local costs without local benefit.
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Support local leaders when they are forced to implement poorly designed central rules.
Selwyn should not be the quiet payer for distant decisions.
6. Long-Term Thinking Over Short-Term Politics
Selwyn’s future depends on infrastructure, water, transport, schools, healthcare access, and resilient communities. These require continuity, not political theatre.
I will advocate for:
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Durable, cross-party solutions where Selwyn needs certainty.
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Infrastructure and planning decisions that look decades ahead, not one election cycle.
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Fewer symbolic announcements and more follow-through.
Stability is a local issue, not just a national one.
7. Independence as a Service, Not a Protest
This campaign is not about being “anti-party” for its own sake. It is about restoring the original purpose of an MP: to represent people, not organisations.
Being independent means:
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Listening first.
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Voting honestly.
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Explaining decisions clearly.
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Accepting accountability directly from voters.
The Selwyn First Commitment
If elected, I will be in Selwyn more often than in Wellington, accountable to Selwyn before anyone else, and free to speak and vote without permission.
Selwyn deserves a representative, not a delegate of a party machine.
Selwyn First. Always.
Youth
Preparing Selwyn’s Young People for the 22nd Century, Not the Last One
Young people are not a “future problem”. They are already living with the consequences of decisions made today: rising costs, fragile institutions, accelerating technology, and a widening gap between education and real life.
A serious Youth policy begins with respect: young people are capable of insight, responsibility, and leadership when given real agency.
1. Youth Voice With Real Weight, Not Symbolism
Youth councils and forums often exist on the margins, consulted late and ignored easily. That teaches young people the wrong lesson about democracy.
As an MP, I will:
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Treat the Selwyn Youth Council as a serious civic body, not a training exercise.
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Act as a conduit between SYC and Parliament, ensuring their views reach select committees, ministers, and officials.
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Encourage government agencies to respond formally to youth submissions, not just acknowledge them.
Youth participation must shape outcomes, not just minutes.
2. Independence From Party Politics for Youth Engagement
Young people are especially alienated by party branding, slogans, and culture wars. They see politics as performative rather than practical.
As an independent MP:
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I will engage with youth without party filters or messaging.
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I will protect youth forums from becoming recruitment arms of political parties.
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I will encourage honest disagreement, not ideological conformity.
Young people learn democracy by practising it, not by being managed by it.
3. Education for a World That Does Not Yet Exist
The world today’s young people will inherit will be defined by artificial intelligence, automation, climate constraints, demographic shifts, and decentralised systems. Much of our education system is still designed for a 20th-century economy.
I will advocate for:
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Education that prioritises thinking, systems literacy, ethics, and adaptability over rote compliance.
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Stronger links between schools, local industry, trades, engineering, agriculture, and emerging technologies.
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Recognition that learning does not end at school, and that pathways should be flexible and respected.
Preparing for the 22nd century requires teaching how to learn, not what to memorise.
4. Civic Literacy as a Core Life Skill
Many young people leave school without understanding how decisions are made, who holds power, or how to influence institutions.
I will support:
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Practical civic education covering local government, Parliament, law, and public decision-making.
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Opportunities for young people to observe and participate in council meetings, select committees, and public forums.
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Mentorship pathways that demystify institutions rather than glorify them.
Democracy fails quietly when people do not know how to use it.
5. Bridging Generations, Not Dividing Them
Public debate increasingly frames politics as a conflict between generations. This erodes trust and discourages shared responsibility.
I will:
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Promote intergenerational dialogue where young people and older residents learn from each other.
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Resist policies that load long-term costs onto youth for short-term political gain.
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Encourage shared stewardship of infrastructure, environment, and institutions.
A healthy society is one where generations cooperate, not compete.
6. Mental Resilience Over Fragility
Young people face real pressures, but they are often taught that vulnerability is their defining feature. That is not empowering.
I will advocate for:
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Support systems that build resilience, agency, and confidence alongside care.
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Educational environments that allow challenge, disagreement, and growth.
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Honest conversations about risk, failure, and responsibility.
Resilience is not the absence of support. It is the presence of meaning.
7. Local Opportunity in Selwyn
Selwyn’s growth creates opportunities for youth, but only if pathways exist.
I will work to:
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Connect young people with apprenticeships, trades, farming, engineering, care, and local enterprise.
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Ensure infrastructure and transport planning considers youth access to work, education, and community life.
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Support initiatives that allow young people to stay, return, or build a future in Selwyn.
A community that loses its young people loses its future.
The Youth Commitment
Young people do not need to be spoken for. They need to be heard, trusted, and taken seriously.
As an independent MP, my role is to open doors, carry voices, and remove barriers, so Selwyn’s young people can help shape the country they will inherit.
Not youth as a slogan. Youth as partners.
Bring Logic and Common Sense to Parliament
Positive Change - One Engineer at a Time
New Zealand does not suffer from a lack of good intentions. It suffers from decisions made without feedback loops, accountability, or respect for reality.
Too many laws are written as if the real world will politely comply.
An engineer is trained differently. Engineers start with constraints. They test assumptions. They look for failure modes. And they know that if something collapses, responsibility cannot be explained away with good intentions.
This policy is about bringing that mindset into Parliament.
1. Evidence Before Ideology
In engineering, you do not begin with a conclusion and then hunt for calculations to justify it. You begin with the problem, test options, and accept what the evidence tells you.
As an MP, I will:
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Insist on evidence-based policymaking, not ideology-driven legislation.
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Challenge laws that rely on aspirational language without practical pathways.
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Support regulatory impact assessments that measure real-world costs, not just theoretical benefits.
Policy should work on paper and on the ground.
2. Accountability for System Failure
When a structure fails, engineers investigate causes, assign responsibility, and fix the system. They do not blame the weather and move on.
My experience challenging EQC and navigating post-earthquake bureaucracy showed how institutions often evade accountability by dispersing responsibility.
I will:
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Push for clearer lines of responsibility within government agencies.
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Support independent reviews when systems fail citizens.
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Oppose bureaucratic designs that make it impossible to identify who is accountable.
If no one is responsible, the system is broken.
3. Respect for Reality Over Process
Bureaucracies tend to mistake compliance with correctness. Engineers know that a box ticked does not guarantee a structure will stand.
I will advocate for:
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Regulations that focus on outcomes rather than excessive process.
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Simplified consent and compliance systems that respect professional judgment.
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Trust in qualified professionals, paired with real accountability.
Process is a tool, not a substitute for thinking.
4. Feedback Loops and Continuous Improvement
Good engineering systems are designed to learn from failure and improve over time. Many government systems do the opposite: they entrench mistakes.
As an MP, I will push for:
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Mandatory post-implementation reviews of major legislation.
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Sunset clauses that force Parliament to revisit laws that do not perform.
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Data-driven evaluation instead of ideological defence of failed policies.
If something does not work, fix it. If it still does not work, stop doing it.
5. Proportionality and Risk Awareness
Engineers are trained to manage risk, not eliminate it at infinite cost. Political systems often pursue zero-risk illusions that impose enormous economic and social burdens.
I will:
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Argue for proportional responses to risk.
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Challenge policies that sacrifice affordability, resilience, or freedom for marginal gains.
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Restore common sense to health, safety, and environmental regulation.
Absolute safety is neither achievable nor affordable.
6. Plain Language and Honest Explanation
Engineering reports must be understood by builders, inspectors, and clients. Obfuscation is not sophistication.
In Parliament, I will:
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Speak in plain language.
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Explain trade-offs honestly.
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Refuse to hide complexity behind jargon.
Citizens deserve clarity, not performance.
7. Independence to Ask Uncomfortable Questions
Engineers are trained to say “this won’t work” even when it is unpopular. Party politics often punishes that instinct.
As an independent MP:
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I will ask the questions party MPs are discouraged from asking.
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I will vote against poorly designed legislation even if it is fashionable.
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I will stand firm when reality contradicts political narratives.
Truth does not improve by being delayed.
The Engineering Commitment
New Zealand needs fewer slogans and more systems thinking.
My commitment is simple:
to test ideas against reality,
to challenge broken systems,
and to bring logic and common sense back into Parliament.
One engineer at a time.
Bipartisan Regulatory Stability
Certainty Is an Economic Asset
New Zealand’s economy is being quietly weakened by instability.
Not by any single law, but by the constant cycle of repeal, replacement, and ideological re-branding that signals to businesses, communities, and investors that the rules are temporary.
Regulatory instability raises costs, suppresses investment, and ultimately shows up in household bills.
This policy starts from a simple truth: certainty matters more than perfection.
1. The Cost of Political Whiplash
When regulations swing every election cycle, people price that risk into their decisions. Builders delay projects. Farmers hedge instead of investing. Infrastructure costs rise. Innovation slows.
The result is higher prices and lower wages.
As an MP, I will:
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Name regulatory churn as a cost-of-living issue, not an abstract political problem.
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Oppose unnecessary repeal-and-replace legislation that adds uncertainty without improving outcomes.
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Demand that major regulatory changes demonstrate long-term durability, not just short-term political wins.
Stability is not stagnation. It is a prerequisite for growth.
2. Independence as a Bridge Across the Divide
Party MPs are structurally discouraged from compromise. Their loyalty is enforced through whips, list rankings, and internal discipline.
As an independent MP:
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I am free to work constructively with all parties.
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I will aim to support good policy regardless of who proposes it.
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I will aim to help broker durable agreements where party politics would otherwise block them.
Independence allows trust to form where alignment is impossible.
3. Cross-Party Compacts in Key Sectors
Some areas of regulation are too important to be rewritten every three years. These include housing, infrastructure, energy, agriculture, environmental standards, and long-term investment frameworks.
I will advocate for:
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Cross-party regulatory compacts with agreed principles and guardrails.
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Supermajority expectations or extended review periods for major reversals.
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Clear signals to markets and communities that the fundamentals will endure.
Not everything needs consensus. But some things need continuity.
4. Stability Over Symbolism
Too often, regulation is used to signal values rather than solve problems. Symbolic laws may win headlines but they also inject uncertainty into systems that depend on predictability.
I will:
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Challenge legislation that prioritises signalling over function.
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Support quieter, less theatrical reforms that actually work.
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Encourage Parliament to value durability over drama.
Good regulation is usually boring. That is a feature, not a flaw.
5. Institutional Memory and Long-Term Thinking
Constant restructuring erodes institutional knowledge and leads to repeated mistakes. Systems forget why rules were created in the first place.
I will push for:
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Stronger preservation of institutional memory within public agencies.
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Post-implementation reviews that focus on performance, not politics.
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Learning from past reforms rather than endlessly reinventing them.
A system that cannot remember cannot improve.
6. Regulatory Restraint as a Form of Respect
Every new rule imposes costs on someone. Those costs accumulate, often invisibly, until they undermine trust.
I will:
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Support a presumption of restraint in regulation.
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Ask not only “is this desirable?” but “is this necessary and durable?”
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Insist that cumulative impacts be considered, not just isolated benefits.
Regulation should earn its place.
7. Explaining Trade-Offs Honestly
Bipartisan stability requires honesty. It cannot be built on the pretense that all goals can be maximised at once.
As an MP, I will:
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Speak openly about trade-offs.
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Explain why compromise is sometimes the responsible choice.
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Resist framing disagreement as moral failure.
Democracy matures when politics grows up.
The Stability Commitment
My commitment is to reduce uncertainty, not manufacture it.
By working across political lines, refusing to inflame division, and prioritising durability over point-scoring, I will strive to make New Zealand’s regulatory environment more stable, predictable, and fair.
Certainty lowers costs. Stability builds trust. Independence makes it possible.
Education for the 22nd Century
Rooted in Identity, Equipped for a World Not Yet Built
Education is the longest-term decision a society makes. The children in today’s classrooms will live and work deep into the 22nd century, in a world shaped by technologies, social structures, and moral questions we can only partially foresee.
An education system designed for the past will fail them.
This policy begins with a simple principle: education must form whole human beings, not just compliant workers.
1. Teaching How to Think in an Age of Intelligent Machines
Artificial intelligence, automation, and networked systems will increasingly perform routine tasks. The uniquely human skills of judgment, ethics, creativity, and responsibility will matter more than ever.
I will advocate for:
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Education that prioritises critical thinking, systems literacy, and problem-solving.
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Strong foundations in mathematics, science, language, and logic as tools for thinking, not just credentials.
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Teaching students how to question information, test claims, and understand trade-offs.
In a world of powerful machines, wisdom becomes the scarce resource.
2. Multiple Pathways, Equal Dignity
The future will not be built by one type of graduate. It will require engineers, builders, farmers, carers, designers, entrepreneurs, and thinkers.
I will support:
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Genuine parity of esteem between academic, vocational, trade, and apprenticeship pathways.
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Early exposure to practical skills alongside theoretical learning.
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Flexible transitions between learning pathways throughout life.
No young person should be told, explicitly or implicitly, that their path matters less.
3. Identity as Strength, Not Obstacle
For Māori tamariki, education must do more than transmit knowledge. It must sustain identity, mana, and connection to whakapapa.
I commit to:
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Ensuring Māori tamariki are not left behind - education systems should be designed with them in mind.
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Supporting education for Māori tamariki that affirms te reo Māori, tikanga, and mātauranga Māori where it genuinely strengthens their learning.
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Respecting the role of whānau, hapū, and iwi as partners in Māori tamariki education, not symbolic consultees.
The spirit of Māori tīpuna does not belong to the past. It lives in their descendants and must be carried forward with dignity.
4. Respect Without Appropriation
True partnership requires honesty. Respecting Māori does not mean flattening all differences or imposing cultural frameworks where they do not fit.
I will:
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Support culturally grounded education for Māori tamariki without forcing performative cultural practices on others.
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Oppose tokenism that reduces tikanga to classroom rituals without meaning.
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Encourage deep understanding over shallow imitation.
Respect is shown through substance, not symbolism.
5. Parents and Whānau as Primary Educators
Schools do not replace families. They support them.
I will advocate for:
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Education policy that recognises parents and whānau as the primary educators of their children.
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Transparency, choice, and collaboration between schools and families.
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Respect for diverse values within a shared civic framework.
Trust between families and schools is essential for learning.
6. Civic, Ethical, and Historical Literacy
Young people will inherit institutions they must govern, repair, or reform. Many currently leave school without understanding how those institutions work.
I will support:
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Strong civic education covering democracy, law, and public decision-making.
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Honest teaching of New Zealand’s history, including both achievement and injustice.
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Ethical education that prepares students to navigate power, technology, and responsibility.
An educated citizen is the foundation of a free society.
7. Resilience, Responsibility, and Meaning
Education must prepare young people not just to succeed, but to endure challenge, failure, and change.
I will advocate for:
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Learning environments that build resilience rather than fragility.
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High expectations paired with genuine support.
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Education that helps young people find meaning, purpose, and belonging.
Strength and compassion are not opposites. They grow together.
The Education Commitment
My commitment is to an education system that is intellectually serious, culturally grounded, and future-facing.
One where Māori tamariki are supported to succeed without losing who they are.
One where the wisdom of tīpuna and ancestors lives on in the confidence of the next generation.
One that prepares all young people for a world we are only beginning to imagine.
Education for the 22nd century begins now.
Te Tiriti o Waitangi
Fidelity, Balance, and the Crown’s Responsibility
Te Tiriti o Waitangi is not a slogan, nor a cultural ornament. It is a solemn compact that places enduring obligations on the Crown. Those obligations are fiduciary in nature: they require care, good faith, restraint, and active responsibility.
This policy begins with a clear principle: the duties of Te Tiriti rest with the Crown, and must not be displaced onto citizens by stealth or convenience.
1. The Crown Bears the Tiriti Burden
Te Tiriti was signed between rangatira and the Crown. It was not signed by individual citizens, councils, schools, charities, or private employers.
I will:
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Defend the principle that Tiriti obligations remain with the Crown as fiduciary.
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Oppose the quiet transfer of those obligations onto citizens through legislation, regulation, or administrative practice.
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Challenge laws that compel individuals or local institutions to perform Crown duties without mandate, resources, or consent.
Reconciliation cannot be outsourced.
2. Partnership Requires Distinction, Not Confusion
Tangata whenua and tangata tiriti are not the same, and pretending otherwise does not honour Te Tiriti. Partnership depends on clarity of roles, not their collapse.
I will advocate for:
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Clear constitutional distinction between Crown responsibility and citizen participation.
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Respect for mana whenua voices without forcing those roles onto non-Māori citizens.
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An end to frameworks that blur accountability while claiming inclusiveness.
A bird needs two wings, but each wing remains itself. Ataahua ngā parirau e rua, nā reira te manu i tae ai ki ngā kapua. Beautiful are the two wings - and so the bird reaches the clouds.
3. Direct Voice, Not Party Filters
Too often, Māori voices reach Parliament filtered through party platforms, ideological lenses, or bureaucratic summaries. This weakens trust and distorts meaning.
As an independent MP, I will:
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Create space for mana whenua to speak directly into parliamentary processes.
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Carry messages faithfully, even where they are uncomfortable or inconvenient.
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Act as a conduit, not a translator or spokesperson.
Representation means carrying voices, not replacing them.
4. Listening Before Promising
Te Tiriti is not honoured through premature commitments. It is honoured through patient listening, humility, and relationship.
I commit to:
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Seeking kōrero with hapū and rūnanga to understand their history, tikanga, and aspirations.
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Listening without assuming agreement, and learning without demanding consensus.
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Accepting that trust grows slowly and cannot be rushed by electoral cycles.
Partnership is built over time, not declared by press release.
5. Light, Balance, and Good Faith
The work of Te Tiriti is not merely legal. It is moral and relational. It requires the Crown to seek balance rather than dominance, and light rather than control.
I will:
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Advocate for Tiriti practice that is grounded in good faith, proportionality, and reason.
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Resist approaches that inflame division rather than heal it.
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Support solutions that aim for balance between past wrongs, present realities, and future cohesion.
Ahakoa he kōhao kikorangi noa iho, ka puta tonu mai te rā.
Even a small slit of blue sky lets the sun shine through.
6. Unity Without Erasure
A stable and just society cannot be built on denial, nor on permanent fracture.
I will work toward:
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Recognition of historical truth without imposing inherited guilt on today’s citizens.
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A future where Māori aspirations are supported without alienating the wider public.
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Civic unity that respects difference rather than flattening it.
Justice endures when it is shared, not resented.
7. Independence as a Safeguard
Party politics often turns Te Tiriti into a wedge issue: weaponised, simplified, and distorted for advantage.
As an independent MP:
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I am not bound to party narratives or caucus positions.
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I can listen across divides without pre-commitment.
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I can help Parliament move from performative conflict toward durable understanding.
Independence creates room for honesty.
The Te Tiriti Commitment
My commitment is neither to diminish Te Tiriti nor to misuse it.
It is to uphold the Crown’s fiduciary responsibility with integrity,
to protect citizens from obligations that are not theirs to bear,
and to help create space where trust, balance, and light may grow.
If we are to fly as a nation, both wings must be strong, distinct, and working together.
Fidelity to Te Tiriti. Responsibility where it belongs. Balance for the future.
Grassroots Representation Policy
Listen First. Carry the Message. Fight for Selwyn.
Politics fails when MPs stop being representatives and start being interpreters, filtering what people say through party strategy or personal ideology. Selwyn deserves something simpler and more honest: a representative who listens carefully, carries local voices into Parliament faithfully, and fights for constituents even when those views are not perfectly aligned with his own.
1. A Permanent Listening Campaign
Representation is not a once-every-three-years performance. It is a continuous duty. I will maintain a strong on-the-ground presence in Selwyn through regular community visits, open meetings, and direct channels for residents to raise issues. My job is to stay close enough to the electorate to hear problems early, not after they become crises.
2. Constituent Voice Comes Before Personal Preference
I will not pretend I agree with everyone. That is not honest, and it is not necessary. My commitment is this: if an issue matters to Selwyn, it matters in Parliament. Where I personally disagree, I will still ensure the concern is heard clearly and fairly, and I will pursue practical solutions rather than dismissing people as “wrong” or “uninformed”.
3. A Principled Messenger, Not a Mouthpiece
Being a messenger does not mean being unthinking or opportunistic. It means being faithful, accurate, and fair. I will:
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present the strongest version of constituents’ arguments, not a caricature,
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separate facts from rumours while still respecting the underlying concern,
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and explain back to Selwyn what was heard, what was done, and what changed.
4. Fighting for Selwyn in Parliament
Listening is pointless unless it leads to action. I will use every tool available to an MP to advance local issues, including:
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parliamentary questions that force answers into the public record,
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select committee submissions and hearings,
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direct engagement with ministers and agencies,
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and public pressure when bureaucracy stalls.
The goal is not noise. The goal is results.
5. Independence From Party Whips Makes This Possible
Party discipline often prevents MPs from advocating freely, especially when local concerns clash with national messaging. As an independent MP, I will be able to carry Selwyn’s voice without permission, without caucus scripts, and without being told what I “must” say.
6. Trust Through Transparency
People lose faith when politics becomes opaque. I will publish clear updates on what I am hearing, what I am raising, and what progress is being made. Where an outcome is not achievable, I will say so plainly and explain why, rather than hiding behind jargon.
The Grassroots Commitment
I will treat Selwyn as the client, not the party. I will aim to listen widely, carry messages faithfully, and fight hard for constituents in Parliament. Agreement is not the test of representation.
Integrity is.
Local Autonomy Policy
More Local Control, Clearer Accountability, Fairer Funding
New Zealand has drifted toward centralised control: decisions made in Wellington, costs pushed onto districts, and locals left to argue over crumbs. I support a reset toward subsidiarity (decisions made as close as practical to the people affected) and fiscal equivalence (the level of government that decides should also carry the costs and face the voters). These principles are central to high-performing decentralised systems such as Switzerland’s fiscal federalism, where local responsibility, local funding, and citizen accountability reinforce each other.
1) A “Subsidiarity Charter” for New Zealand
I will push for a clear rule of thumb in legislation: districts should control local affairs unless there is a strong national reason not to. Germany hardwires this idea by guaranteeing municipalities the right to manage local matters on their own responsibility (with an explicit link to financial autonomy). New Zealand should adopt the same clarity: local decisions should be local, and local democracy should mean something.
2) Devolve functions with funding attached
Real autonomy is impossible if councils are given duties without money. Where central government wants districts to deliver outcomes (infrastructure, local transport, community services, planning implementation), it must transfer stable funding streams alongside responsibilities. Denmark’s system is a useful model: municipalities carry major welfare and citizen-facing responsibilities, supported by a structured financing and equalisation framework.
3) Give districts better revenue tools, not just rates
New Zealand councils rely heavily on rates and face persistent funding strain (recognised repeatedly in local government funding reviews). I support expanding lawful, transparent local revenue options (within national guardrails), paired with stronger accountability to local voters—so councils can fund growth and infrastructure without begging Wellington or loading everything onto rates.
4) A fair equalisation system so autonomy doesn’t mean inequality
More autonomy must not mean poorer districts fall behind. Like Denmark and Germany, New Zealand should strengthen equalisation settings so communities with a smaller rating base can still provide decent services, while fast-growth districts aren’t punished for expanding. Equalisation should be rules-based, predictable, and not used as political leverage.
5) Stop “centralise first, consult later” restructures
Recent centralisation debates (such as water governance reforms shifting control away from councils) show what happens when local voice is treated as an inconvenience: trust drops, complexity rises, and communities feel stripped of agency. I will oppose reforms that remove local accountability unless the case is proven and the local democratic deficit is credibly solved.
6) Strong local accountability: local power must come with local discipline
Autonomy works best when residents can clearly see who decided, what it cost, and how performance is measured. Switzerland’s tradition of local responsibility reinforced by citizen participation is a reminder that decentralisation is not “more government,” it’s more visible government. I will push for simpler, comparable public reporting across councils, and clearer service standards—so autonomy produces results, not excuses.
7) Partnership with mana whenua at the local level, without outsourcing Crown duties
Local autonomy must be compatible with Te Tiriti: mana whenua voices should be heard directly in local decisions that affect whenua and communities. But Crown fiduciary obligations remain with the Crown—they must not be quietly shifted onto councils or citizens without mandate and funding. Local partnership should be real, properly resourced, and accountable.
Commitment: I will advocate for a New Zealand where districts have more control over local decisions, more stable funding to match responsibilities, fair equalisation, and clearer accountability—so communities like Selwyn can solve problems locally instead of waiting for permission from Wellington.
